29
Dez
2008

Je suis en France

Und wir fragen: können wir etwas posten?
Nein das ist nicht lustig, mein Internet funktioniert hier nicht wirklich.

27
Dez
2008

26
Dez
2008

Crisis in the USA (Edition: ausnahmesweise lachen wir über das Ende der Welt)

Folgendes kann auf P. Krugman´s Blog gefunden werden:
masterfraud

Tja; was soll man da noch sagen? Vielleicht das Folgende: Die FED (FED eral Reserve Bank of the United States of America) hat beschlossen, dass sie willens und bereit ist, das finanzielle System der USA zu ...
... übernehmen. Das heißt: Normalerweise kauft eine Notenbank Staatsanleihen, mit Geld, dass Sie gedruckt hat; dies vermehrt die Geldmange, und dann fließt dass durch die Wirtschaft, und der Rest ist wirklich kompliziert;
dass nennt man eine Expansion, i.e. Vermehrung der Geldmenge; und wenn die Notenbank Staatsschulden --- Schuldscheine --- verkauft, dann wird dass eine Kontraktion; i.e. eine Verminderung der Geldmenge genannt;
na gut;
Was die US. Notenbank gemacht hat ist das folgende: Sie hat begonnen den Banken Geld gegen alles Mögliche zu leihen; alles Möglich ist alles, was nicht eine Staatsschuldverschreibung ist;
Was das nebenstehende Bild lustig macht
--- und ich finde es ist lustig ---
und anzeigt, wie ernst die Glauben, dass das Leben ist.
Sehr ernst;
Wie die dieses Bolg lesenden wissen befinden wir uns in der größten Wirtschaftskrise seit der großen Depression.
Und, was sollen wir jetzt sagen;
das Bild ist lustig, weil es einen Sachverhalt adeqaut wiedergibt,
oder schreckeinjagend weil dieser Sachverhalt schreckeinjagend ist,
oder aufbauend, weil diesmla zumindest jemand verstanden hat, dass wir was tun müssen?

Fröhliche Weihnachten

MMantel_07_LACHHAFT-Weihnachten

22
Dez
2008

Krugman zum Tag (Edition: Kurze Pause von dem Schwachsinn der Österreichischen Presse)

So was brauchen wir auch zulande;

Volume 55, Number 20 · December 18, 2008
What to Do
By Paul Krugman


What the world needs right now is a rescue operation. The global credit system is in a state of paralysis, and a global slump is building momentum as I write this. Reform of the weaknesses that made this crisis possible is essential, but it can wait a little while. First, we need to deal with the clear and present danger. To do this, policymakers around the world need to do two things: get credit flowing again and prop up spending.

The first task is the harder of the two, but it must be done, and soon. Hardly a day goes by without news of some further disaster wreaked by the freezing up of credit. As I was writing this, for example, reports were coming in of the collapse of letters of credit, the key financing method for world trade. Suddenly, buyers of imports, especially in developing countries, can't carry through on their deals, and ships are standing idle: the Baltic Dry Index, a widely used measure of shipping costs, has fallen 89 percent this year.

What lies behind the credit squeeze is the combination of reduced trust in and decimated capital at financial institutions. People and institutions, including the financial institutions, don't want to deal with anyone unless they have substantial capital to back up their promises, yet the crisis has depleted capital across the board.

The obvious solution is to put in more capital. In fact, that's a standard response in financial crises. In 1933 the Roosevelt administration used the Reconstruction Finance Corporation to recapitalize banks by buying preferred stock—stock that had priority over common stock in terms of its claims on profits. When Sweden experienced a financial crisis in the early 1990s, the government stepped in and provided the banks with additional capital equal to 4 percent of the country's GDP—the equivalent of about $600 billion for the United States today—in return for a partial ownership. When Japan moved to rescue its banks in 1998, it purchased more than $500 billion in preferred stock, the equivalent relative to GDP of around a $2 trillion capital injection in the United States. In each case, the provision of capital helped restore the ability of banks to lend, and unfroze the credit markets.

Weiterlesen kann wer klicken tut.

16
Dez
2008

Wie erfolgreich war die französische EU Ratspräsidentschaft?

Inmitten aller Versuche uns vor unseren EU Komitgliedern lächerlich zu machen, können wir gelegentlich auch versuchen mal was ernstes herauszufinden?
Also zum Beispiel:
Wie erfolgreich war die französische EU Präsidentschaft?
Der französische Präsident Sarkozy hat sich einige Mühe gegeben:
Die BBC scheint seinen Bemühungen durchaus positiv gegenüberzustehen:
Sarkozy's big EU ambitions
sarkafpstrasb203b
On 1 July the French took over Europe with fanfare and flummery, the Eiffel Tower was bathed in blue, the EU's gold stars projected on this symbol of France. French President Nicolas Sarkozy

And President Nicolas Sarkozy, the new President of the Council, proceeded to impose his frenetic style on an organisation used to a more leisurely pace. Today he is giving a final speech in this role to the European Parliament in Strasbourg. I doubt he will manage undue modesty.

15
Dez
2008

Angela Merkel has become Frau Nein (Edition: It´s a disaster)

^So:Hier die Kollumne zum Tag:

European Crass Warfare

By PAUL KRUGMAN
Published: December 15, 2008


So here’s the situation: the economy is facing its worst slump in decades. The usual response to an economic downturn, cutting interest rates, isn’t working. Large-scale government aid looks like the only way to end the economic nosedive.

But there’s a problem: conservative politicians, clinging to an out-of-date ideology — and, perhaps, betting (wrongly) that their constituents are relatively well positioned to ride out the storm — are standing in the way of action.

...

I am, ..., talking about Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, and her economic officials, who have become the biggest obstacles to a much-needed European rescue plan.

...

The most acute problems are on Europe’s periphery, where many smaller economies are experiencing crises strongly reminiscent of past crises in Latin America and Asia: Latvia is the new Argentina; Ukraine is the new Indonesia. But the pain has also reached the big economies of Western Europe: Britain, France, Italy and, the biggest of all, Germany.

As in the United States, monetary policy — cutting interest rates in an effort to perk up the economy — is rapidly reaching its limit. That leaves, as the only way to avert the worst slump since the Great Depression, the aggressive use of fiscal policy: increasing spending or cutting taxes to boost demand. Right now everyone sees the need for a large, pan-European fiscal stimulus.

Everyone, that is, except the Germans. Mrs. Merkel has become Frau Nein: if there is to be a rescue of the European economy, she wants no part of it, telling a party meeting that “we’re not going to participate in this senseless race for billions.”

Last week Peer Steinbrück, Mrs. Merkel’s finance minister, went even further. Not content with refusing to develop a serious stimulus plan for his own country, he denounced the plans of other European nations. He accused Britain, in particular, of engaging in “crass Keynesianism.”

Germany’s leaders seem to believe that their own economy is in good shape, and in no need of major help. They’re almost certainly wrong about that. The really bad thing, however, isn’t their misjudgment of their own situation; it’s the way Germany’s opposition is preventing a common European approach to the economic crisis.

To understand the problem, think of what would happen if, say, New Jersey were to attempt to boost its economy through tax cuts or public works, without this state-level stimulus being part of a nationwide program. Clearly, much of the stimulus would “leak” away to neighboring states, so that New Jersey would end up with all of the debt while other states got many if not most of the jobs.

Individual European countries are in much the same situation. Any one government acting unilaterally faces the strong possibility that it will run up a lot of debt without creating much domestic employment.

For the European economy as a whole, however, this kind of leakage is much less of a problem: two-thirds of the average European Union member’s imports come from other European nations, so that the continent as a whole is no more import-dependent than the United States. This means that a coordinated stimulus effort, in which each country counts on its neighbors to match its own efforts, would offer much more bang for the euro than individual, uncoordinated efforts.

But you can’t have a coordinated European effort if Europe’s biggest economy not only refuses to go along, but heaps scorn on its neighbors’ attempts to contain the crisis.

Germany’s big Nein won’t last forever. Last week Ifo, a highly respected research institute, warned that Germany will soon be facing its worst economic crisis since the 1940s. If and when this happens, Mrs. Merkel and her ministers will surely reconsider their position.

But in Europe, as in the United States, the issue is time. Across the world, economies are sinking fast, while we wait for someone, anyone, to offer an effective policy response. How much damage will be done before that response finally comes?

11
Dez
2008

Crisis? What Crisis? (Edition: Peer Steinbrück sollte schnellstmöglich die Gelegenheit erhalten mehr Zeit mit seiner Familie zu verbringen. S e h r v i e l m e h r . )

Der englische Premieminister James Callaghan sagte 1979, als England in von Streiks und ökonomischem Chaos zerrüttet wurde:

“ Well, that's a judgment that you are making. I promise you that if you look at it from outside, and perhaps you're taking rather a parochial view at the moment, I don't think that other people in the world would share the view that there is mounting chaos. ”

Die britische Tageszeitung The Sun fasste das zuammen; besser und kürzer als es Callaghan je gekonnt hätte:

Crisis? What Crisis?

Tja; die die dieses Blog lesen wissen ja, wie schlecht es uns geht, und werden über den Stand des ökonomischen Desasters in regelmäßigen Abständen informiert werden:

Der Deutsche Finanzminister Peer Steinbrück gibt Newsweek ein interview:

It's the yearning for the Great Rescue Plan. It doesn't exist. It doesn't exist! Dealing with an unprecedented crisis is a puzzle, a trial-and-error.

Trottel; der Plan die Welt zu retten existiert; Keynes General Theory aus dem Jahre 1936 ist seit ihrer Publikation allgemein als das Mittel um mit einer Situation wie der, in welcher wir uns befinden umzugehen.

Honestly, I don't know. I tend to be skeptical because it is human nature to see the crisis as even worse than it is.

Ich bin mir sicher die zehntausenden Arbeitslosen, die wir haben übertreiben.

I don't want to downplay anything;

Aber nicht doch.

2009 looks like it will be a very difficult year.

Vor allem für ihm; wie lange noch, bis er arbeitlos wird? 24h tops!!!

But we are not about to collapse.

Jaja, nocheinmal Callaghan:

I don't think that other people in the world would share the view that there is mounting chaos.

Cirsis? What Crisis?
Aber: Hoffnung is on the way:

Paul Krugman:

December 11, 2008, 5:58 am
The economic consequences of Herr Steinbrueck


There’s an extraordinary — and extraordinarily depressing — interview in Newsweek with Peer Steinbrueck, the Germany finance minister. The world economy is in a terrifying nosedive, visible everywhere. Yet Mr. Steinbrueck is standing firm against any extraordinary fiscal measures, and denounces Gordon Brown for his “crass Keynesianism.”

You might ask why we should care. Germany’s economy is the biggest in Europe, but even so it only accounts for about a fifth of EU GDP, and it’s only about a quarter the size of the US economy. So how much does German intransigence matter?

The answer is that the nature of the crisis, combined with the high degree of European economic integration, gives Germany a special strategic role right now — and Mr. Steinbrueck is therefore doing a remarkable amount of damage.

Here’s the issue: we’re rapidly heading toward a world in which monetary policy has little or no traction: T-bill rates in the US are already zero, and near-zero rate will prevail in the euro zone quite soon. Fiscal policy is all that’s left. But in Europe it’s very hard to do a fiscal expansion unless it’s coordinated.

The reason is that the European economy is so integrated: European countries on average spend around a quarter of their GDP on imports from each other. Since imports tend to rise or fall faster than GDP during a business cycle, this probably means that something like 40 percent of any change in final demand “leaks” across borders within Europe. As a result, the multiplier on fiscal policy within any given European country is much less than the multiplier on a coordinated fiscal expansion. And that in turn means that the tradeoff between deficits and supporting the economy in a time of trouble is much less favorable for any one European country than for Europe as a whole.

It is, in short, a classic example of the kind of situation in which policy coordination is essential — but you won’t get coordination if policymakers in the biggest European economy refuse to go along.

And if Germany prevents an effective European response, this adds significantly to the severity of the global downturn.

In short, there’s a huge multiplier effect at work; unfortunately, what it’s doing is multiplying the impact of the current German government’s boneheadedness.

10
Dez
2008

Beste Schlagzeile aller Zeiten:

Wir nomminieren hiermit:

Schweden erhält ein Stimulierungspaket

made by IKEA

Name:

(wahlweise): garflörgen (?) gutvik (!!!) rotrotaal (?)
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eines ist das sein

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